Grifo di Tancredi

Grifo di Tancredi was in all probability born in Florence around 1250 or slightly before, a date inferred from the fact that he was already professionally active as a painter by 1271, when he rented a workshop in Volterra alongside a fellow Florentine artist named Filippo di Jacopo. The scholarly consensus holds that a man entering into contractual obligations for a professional studio space would have needed to attain a degree of mature independence, suggesting that a birth date earlier than 1250 is not implausible.

Although the exact day and month of his nativity remain entirely unrecorded in any surviving document, his Florentine identity is corroborated by the inscription on the Crawford triptych, which reads “…H(oc) op(us) q(uod) fec(it) m(agister) Gri(fus) Fl(orentinus),” explicitly identifying him as a Florentine master. Florence in the mid-thirteenth century was a city of rapid economic expansion, civic ambition, and intense artistic activity, and it is within this turbulent cultural matrix that Grifo’s early formation must be situated. The precise neighbourhood of his birth within Florence is unknown, as is any information about the social stratum into which he was born, yet the name “Tancredi” borne by his father carries a certain resonance, being associated in the period with families of some civic standing.

Family

The historical record pertaining to Grifo’s family is almost entirely silent, a circumstance not unusual for artists of his generation and social rank whose lives left traces in civic documents only when commercial or professional necessity required formal registration. His father, Tancredi, is known to us solely through the patronymic by which the son was identified, and nothing else, neither profession, status, nor precise domicile, can be recovered for him from surviving archival sources.

The question of whether the painter should be identified with a “Grifo del fu Tancredi di Montegonzi” cited in a legal document of 1328 relating to the renunciation of rights of patronage over the church of San Cresci at Monteficalli in the Chianti, has been much debated among scholars, with most concluding that such an identification is unlikely, partly because the holding of ecclesiastical patronage rights would have been unusual for a man of the painter’s apparent station.

The name “Montegonzi” referred to a locality in the Chianti, and while it is tempting to construct a hypothesis of rural Florentine origins on this basis, the scholarly consensus, as articulated in the Treccani Dizionario Biografico entry by Angelo Tartuferi, remains firmly skeptical. One document of 1295 records that Grifo took on an apprentice in his Florentine workshop, a standard practice that implies he had attained the economic stability necessary to sustain a bottega and support a dependent.

The practice of taking on apprentices was also a form of quasi-familial obligation, and in the absence of any evidence regarding biological children or a spouse, this apprentice represents the only family-like relationship that documentary sources permit us to glimpse. The guild registers of the Florentine painters’ corporation, the Arte dei Medici e Speziali, record Grifo’s enrollment at some point between 1297 and 1312, confirming his integration into the city’s formal professional hierarchy. This enrollment is itself a document of belonging, signaling both his acceptance by the artistic community of Florence and his legal right to operate a workshop and receive commissions in his own name. That he maintained a stable enough professional identity to be inscribed in both notarial documents and guild rolls over a period of more than three decades suggests a man of methodical and persistent character, even if no personal correspondence, anecdote, or chronicle illuminates the texture of his daily existence. The tantalizing possibility that his family had connections to the broader Florentine mercantile or artisan milieu, the world from which so many Duecento painters emerged, must remain a hypothesis without documentary anchor.

Patronage

The patronage network surrounding Grifo di Tancredi can be reconstructed only in part, and largely through inference from the destinations of his surviving works and the institutional contexts suggested by documentary records. The most concrete documentary evidence of patronage involves the Commune of Florence itself, whose representatives commissioned Grifo in 1303 to execute a fresco in the Palazzo Vecchio commemorating a specific political event: the failure of the White Guelphs to capture the Florentine castle of Pulicciano in the spring of that year. The payment recorded on 30 September 1303, “pro parte laborerii pitturarum quas fecit et facit in palatio Comunis Florentini de facto Pulliciani”, places Grifo squarely within the circle of civic patronage that characterized Florentine political life under the complex Guelph-Ghibelline factional dynamics of the period.

This type of civic commission, recording political victories and territorial struggles through the medium of painting, was a well-established practice in late medieval Italian communes, and Grifo’s selection for such a prominent public work suggests that he enjoyed a reputation of considerable standing among the city’s governing class. Before his move to Florence became permanent, the commune of Volterra appears to have provided the context, if not directly the patrons, for his earliest documented professional activity, and the presence there of the cathedral chapter, before whose residence he rented his workshop in 1271, implies a connection with ecclesiastical structures that likely extended to commissions for devotional objects and altar furnishings.

The participation of Grifo in the decoration of the Fontana Maggiore in Perugia in 1281, if the identification with “Grifa Tancredi” cited in the payment record is accepted, points to a commission from the Perugian commune, which had undertaken this monumental civic project under the supervision of Nicola and Giovanni Pisano, and whose patronage drew artists from across central Italy.

Monastic and conventual institutions constituted another crucial layer of Grifo’s patronage environment: the altarpiece known today as the Maestà in the Galleria dell’Accademia in Florence was originally made for the convent of San Gaggio, a religious house of Benedictine nuns situated just outside the Porta Romana, and it is this provenance that gave rise to the conventional name “Master of San Gaggio” under which Grifo’s work was known before his true identity was recovered.

The portable triptych once in the collection of the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, now on loan to the National Gallery of Scotland, was almost certainly created for private devotional use, perhaps for a wealthy lay patron of the kind who commissioned small-scale portable altarpieces for personal prayer. The tabernacle now housed in the Gemäldegalerie in Berlin, with its Madonna and Child flanked by saints and scenes of the Passion, similarly belongs to the category of portable devotional objects, suggesting that part of Grifo’s practice was devoted to serving the refined piety of individual collectors and minor ecclesiastical establishments that are no longer traceable by name.

The tabernacle in the Brooks Memorial Art Gallery in Memphis, Tennessee, which depicts a kneeling donor in the left shutter alongside a bishop saint, provides exceptionally direct evidence of lay patronage, as the representation of the donor figure at the feet of the sacred personages was the standard visual formula through which medieval patrons asserted their piety and secured their commemorative identity within the devotional image. The collaboration documented between Grifo and the Magdalen Master on the dossale at the Timken Art Gallery in San Diego, where the two artists divided the work, Grifo being responsible for the twelve Passion narratives, suggests a system of patronage in which the commissioning client relied on established workshop networks capable of marshaling multiple trained hands to produce complex multi-scene narrative panels. Grifo’s later career, when his style evolved unmistakably toward the proto-Giottesque idiom of early Trecento Florence, likely earned him patrons who were attuned to the new aesthetic developments associated with Giotto’s revolution, even if the painter himself never fully abandoned the Byzantine-inflected formal vocabulary that had shaped his artistic identity from the outset.

Painting Style

Grifo di Tancredi occupies a singular and complex position in the history of late Duecento and early Trecento Florentine painting, his stylistic trajectory spanning a remarkable range from the archaizing Byzantine manner of his earliest works to the proto-Giottesque plasticity of his late production. His formation took place within the workshop tradition of the Magdalen Master, an anonymous but prolific Florentine painter of the generation immediately preceding Cimabue, whose style was rooted in the conventions of pre-Cimabuesque Florentine painting with its emphasis on linear precision, gilded grounds, and the hieratic solemnity inherited from Byzantine icon painting.

In his earliest attributable works, the two small panels in the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam depicting the Deposition and the Entombment of Christ, dateable to around 1275–80, one already perceives a departure from the Magdalen Master’s more placid idiom: the drawing is more agitated and incisive, the physiognomic and emotional accents more sharply rendered, and a palpable straining toward dramatic intensity that points unmistakably toward the innovations of Cimabue. The influence of Cimabue proved decisive for Grifo’s artistic identity in the decade of the 1280s, during which he absorbed the great master’s bold chiaroscuro, his capacity for expressive weight in the rendering of drapery, and his willingness to endow sacred figures with a degree of psychological interiority that had been largely absent from the Florentine tradition before him.

Yet Grifo’s engagement with Cimabue was never simply imitative; it was interpretive and, at times, what Tartuferi has aptly described as almost “academic” in the precision of its morphological fidelity, suggesting an artist who had mastered a formal language thoroughly enough to deploy it with conscious control rather than instinctive spontaneity. This quality is strikingly apparent in the polyptych once in the Artaud de Montor collection in Paris, now divided between the National Gallery of Art in Washington and the Musée Benoît-Molin in Chambéry, which was so convincingly Cimabuesque in its formal properties that the young Bernard Berenson attributed it directly to Cimabue himself.

The narrative gifts that distinguish Grifo from many of his contemporaries are most vividly expressed in the wing panels of his tabernacles and portable altarpieces, where small-scale scenes of the Passion unfold with a lively storytelling energy, populated by figures whose gestures and facial expressions convey emotional states with a directness that anticipates the narrative clarity of Giotto without achieving his spatial mastery. The settings in these narrative scenes remain fundamentally flat, with architectural backdrops rendered in schematic perspective that reveals, as Boskovits observed, Grifo’s persistent difficulty in constructing optically convincing environments around his figures, a limitation that marks the boundary between his proto-Giottesque ambitions and the revolutionary spatial intelligence of his younger contemporary.

From the final decade of the thirteenth century onward, a profound stylistic transformation becomes legible in Grifo’s work: forms become more carefully rounded, chiaroscuro grows more deliberate in its plastic intentions, and the overall compositional structure acquires a weight and dignity that reflects direct engagement with Giotto’s new visual language, even while spatial conventions and architectural backgrounds continue to adhere tenaciously to the older Duecento formulae.

This period of transition is most clearly documented in the Oxford tabernacle at Christ Church Gallery, in which the central Madonna with the Christ Child, Saint Paul, and a female saint is surrounded by nine scenes of the Passion arranged with disciplined compositional economy, while the surviving shutters demonstrate an increasing confidence in the volumetric rendering of individual figures.

The Maestà from San Gaggio, now in the Galleria dell’Accademia in Florence, represents the culminating achievement of Grifo’s late style: the throne on which the Virgin sits is rendered with an unmistakably Trecento spatial ambition, its Cosmatesque decorative details reflecting exposure to Roman art and the new decorative vocabulary then circulating in central Italian painting, while the four saints who flank the enthroned Madonna are rendered with a monumental sobriety that suggests a painter who had genuinely internalized, rather than merely imitated, the lessons of Giotto.

In the frescoes of the chapel of San Giacomo at Castelpulci, the fragmentary state of preservation does not entirely obscure the confidence with which Grifo organized monumental narrative scenes, demonstrating that his talent for large-scale wall painting was real even if it remained constrained by the spatial conventions of an earlier generation. Throughout his career, Grifo maintained a distinctive palette of saturated color, deep azurite blues, warm ochres, and the occasional deployment of vivid vermilion, that gives his panels an immediate chromatic presence distinct from the cooler tonalities of some of his contemporaries.

The observation recorded in the Treccani entry that his late portable altarpiece formerly in the Agnew collection is remarkable for “l’intensità cromatica e per la sintesi originalissima tra la cultura duecentesca di fondo e le novità di matrice giottesca” encapsulates the essential character of his achievement: an artist who synthesized two visual cultures with genuine creative energy, producing in the process a body of work whose originality has only recently been fully appreciated.

Artistic Influences

The most fundamental influence on Grifo’s artistic formation was the Magdalen Master, the anonymous Florentine painter active in the second half of the thirteenth century whose bottega provided the young Grifo with his initial technical and iconographic training. This pre-Cimabuesque tradition, rooted in the Italo-Byzantine conventions of Florentine panel painting, furnished Grifo with the fundamental tools of his craft: the preparation of wooden supports, the application of gold grounds through the bole and mordant technique, the use of egg tempera, and the deployment of Byzantine iconographic types in their Florentine adaptations.

The impact of Cimabue, the revolutionary Florentine master whose innovations transformed Italian painting in the final decades of the thirteenth century, represents the second and in many respects most decisive layer of influence on Grifo’s artistic personality. From Cimabue, Grifo absorbed a fundamentally different conception of the sacred image: one in which the gold-ground Byzantine icon was animated by a new psychological gravity, the figures endowed with a physical presence and emotional weight that had no precedent in the earlier Florentine tradition, and the drapery rendered with a new attention to the organic forms beneath. Byzantine art itself, the art of the Greek-speaking Christian East, constituted a further influence that operated both directly and indirectly in Grifo’s work; the Tebaide painted on the central panel of the Crawford triptych is so thoroughly dependent on a Byzantine prototype that Luciano Bellosi famously observed that it appears at first glance to be by an entirely different hand from that which painted the livelier narrative panels on the wings.

The art of Giovanni Pisano, whose sculptural innovations were transforming the formal vocabulary available to Italian painters through their introduction of a new Gothic expressionism derived from French cathedral sculpture, may also have reached Grifo during his probable sojourn in Perugia in 1281, where he would have encountered the Fontana Maggiore and the sculptural models associated with Nicola Pisano’s workshop.

The influence of Giotto, the younger painter whose innovations constituted the most radical transformation in the history of Western art before the Renaissance, is visible in Grifo’s late works, though the relationship between the two artists is better understood as one of informed response than of direct discipleship. Grifo was not, strictly speaking, a follower of Giotto in the manner of the Master of Santa Cecilia or Pacino di Bonaguida; rather, he was a painter of a preceding generation who observed Giotto’s early achievements with alert intelligence and selectively incorporated elements of the new language into a formal vocabulary that remained fundamentally his own. The Master of Santa Cecilia, now generally identified with Gaddo Gaddi, exerted an influence on Grifo’s very late phase, as seen in the Maestà of San Gaggio, where certain compositional and formal choices reflect awareness of that master’s production. The influence of the Roman pictorial tradition, specifically the art associated with the renovation of Early Christian basilicas in Rome during the late thirteenth century, as seen in the work of Jacopo Torriti and the circle of Pietro Cavallini, may account for some of the Cosmatesque decorative elements and the increased sense of classical gravity visible in Grifo’s mature panels, though a direct visit to Rome cannot be documented from surviving sources.

Travels

The reconstruction of Grifo di Tancredi’s movements across central Italy reveals the pattern typical of Florentine artists of his generation, who circulated between Tuscany and Umbria in response to the demands of civic and ecclesiastical patronage that drew talented painters away from their home city to serve the decorative needs of institutions throughout the region. His earliest documented displacement from Florence is the 1271 stay in Volterra, where he rented a workshop in front of the cathedral chapter’s residence alongside his fellow Florentine Filippo di Jacopo; this was the standard arrangement by which painters from larger artistic centers would establish a temporary base in smaller cities while fulfilling specific commissions, and the proximity to the cathedral canons strongly suggests that the commission in question was ecclesiastical in nature.

The probable identification of Grifo with the “Grifa Tancredi” paid in 1281 for work on the Fontana Maggiore in Perugia represents, if correct, a journey of considerable significance: the Fontana Maggiore was the most ambitious civic monument being constructed anywhere in central Italy at that moment, combining the sculptural genius of Nicola and Giovanni Pisano with painted decorations, and participation in its embellishment would have exposed Grifo to the full range of artistic innovations then circulating in Umbria, including the legacy of Roman Early Christian art that was being actively revived in Perugia’s ecclesiastical milieu.

The decision to return permanently to Florence by 1295, when the document recording the hiring of an apprentice places him firmly in the city, suggests that Grifo had by this point established a reputation substantial enough to sustain a stable urban workshop, and that the peripatetic phase of his career, typical of younger artists building a practice through external commissions, had given way to a settled professional existence in the artistic capital of Tuscany. There is scholarly speculation, though no documentary confirmation, that Grifo may have visited Rome at some point in his career, a hypothesis supported by the Cosmatesque decorative elements that appear in his late works and by the broader pattern of Florentine painters undertaking Roman study journeys during the period of intense artistic exchange inaugurated by the papacy of Nicholas III (1277–1280).

Death

The precise date and cause of Grifo di Tancredi’s death are entirely unknown, as is customary for artists of his generation who left no testamentary documents or biographical notices in chronicles or hagiographic sources. The last documentary attestation of his activity is the payment of 30 September 1303 recorded in connection with the frescoes in the Palazzo Vecchio. The date of 1315 sometimes proposed as an approximate year of death, and visible in secondary sources, is inferential rather than documented, based on the absence of any further archival record after 1303 and on the stylistic evidence suggesting that his late works, such as the tabernacle in Memphis and the Fiesole panel, belong to a period immediately after the turn of the century. The possibility that he survived until 1328, the date of the document mentioning “Grifo del fu Tancredi di Montegonzi”, is considered unlikely by most specialists, as the phrase del fu (son of the late) would make the document an inheritance or patronage record rather than a professional notice, and the social profile of the person described does not correspond well to what is known of the painter.

Important works

The Death of St Ephraim and Scenes from the Lives of the Hermits (central panel); Scenes from the Passion of Christ (in the wings)

The Death of St Ephraim and Scenes from the Lives of the Hermits (central panel); Scenes from the Passion of Christ (in the wings)
The Death of St Ephraim and Scenes from the Lives of the Hermits (central panel); Scenes from the Passion of Christ (in the wings), 1280-90, tempera and gold on panel, Overall (with wings open): 118.5 x 124.5 x 7.6 cm; Central panel: 112 x 62; Wings (left): 87.4 x 30.9 cm; Wings (right): 87.8 x 31 cm; Overall (with wings closed): 118.8 x 65.7 x 7.6 cm; Shadow box: 134 x 138 x 13 cm, National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh.

The most important work in terms of Grifo’s scholarly identification, this portable triptych was formerly in the collection of the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres in London and is currently on loan to the National Gallery of Scotland in Edinburgh. The central panel presents a Tebaide, a depiction of the desert communities of Egyptian monasticism, in a composition that depends so closely on a Byzantine prototype as to suggest, at first glance, a different artist from the one responsible for the animated narrative scenes on the wings.

Above the central panel, Christ in Benediction is shown surrounded by six angels, a composition in which the influence of Cimabue is strongly legible in the expressive weight of the divine figure and the gracefully inclined heads of the celestial attendants. The left wing depicts mourning angels, scenes of the Crucifixion, and the Three Marys at the Tomb, while narrative incidents crowd the painted surface with the characteristically lively storytelling energy that is among Grifo’s most personal contributions to the Duecento tradition.

This triptych is the anchor of Grifo’s entire reconstructed catalogue, since its fragmentary inscription, “H(oc) op(us) q(uod) fec(it) m(agister) Gri(fus) Fl(orentinus)”, provided Miklós Boskovits in 1988 with the textual key that allowed the name of the painter to be securely attached to the group of works previously attributed to the anonymous Master of San Gaggio.

Virgin and Child Enthroned and Four Saints

Virgin and Child Enthroned and Four Saints
Virgin and Child Enthroned and Four Saints, c. 1290, tempera on panel, 188 x 101,5 cm, Galleria dell'Accademia, Florence.

Now preserved in the Galleria dell’Accademia in Florence, this large panel painting was originally executed for the Benedictine convent of San Gaggio, located just outside the Porta Romana on the southern edge of Florence. The composition presents the Virgin enthroned in Majesty with the Christ Child on her lap, flanked by four standing saints whose identification has been the subject of some discussion among scholars.

The throne is rendered with a Trecento spatial ambition, decorated with Cosmatesque inlays that point to Grifo’s familiarity with the decorative vocabulary then being propagated by Roman-trained artists active in central Italy. The work represents the apex of Grifo’s late style, demonstrating his capacity to synthesize the accumulated lessons of Cimabue, Giotto, and the Master of Santa Cecilia into a compositional solution of dignified monumentality, while still retaining in the gold ground and the overall hieratic arrangement the imprint of his Duecento formation. This altarpiece is also the work from which the conventional name “Master of San Gaggio” was derived, since it formed the nucleus of the group of paintings assembled under that designation by Roberto Longhi in 1948 before Grifo’s true identity was recovered.

Christ Blessing

Christ Blessing
Christ Blessing, c. 1310, tempera on panel, 78.2 × 55.5 × 1.5 cm, National Gallery of Art, Washington.

Saint Peter

Saint Peter
Saint Peter, c. 1310, tempera on panel, 66.2 × 36.6 × 1 cm, National Gallery of Art, Washington.

Saint James Major

Saint James Major
Saint James Major, c. 1310, tempera on panel, 66.7 × 36.7 × 1.2 cm, National Gallery of Art, Washington.

Saint John the Baptist

Saint John the Baptist
Saint John the Baptist, c. 1310, tempera on panel, 58,9 x 35,1 cm, Musée des beaux-arts de Chambéry.

This polyptych, now divided between the National Gallery of Art in Washington and the Musée des beaux-arts de Chambéry, was formerly in the celebrated Parisian collection of A.F. Artaud de Montor, whose catalogue of 1843 published it as a work by Cimabue, an attribution subsequently proposed in the scholarly literature by the young Bernard Berenson. The Washington panels preserve the central Christ in Benediction flanked by Saints Peter and James the Greater, while the Chambéry panel retains the figure of Saint John the Baptist, forming part of what was once a multi-panel devotional ensemble of substantial size and quality.

The Cimabuesque quality of these panels is so thoroughly assimilated that their attribution to Grifo rather than to Cimabue himself remained controversial for decades, and they continue to offer one of the clearest demonstrations of the extent to which Grifo had internalized the formal language of the great Florentine master. The panels presumably served as an altarpiece for a private or monastic chapel, though the name of the original patron or institution cannot be recovered from surviving documentation.

Tabernacle

Tabernacle
Tabernacle, 1300-05, tempera and gold on panel, 39 x 59 cm, Gemäldegalerie, Berlin.

The portable tabernacle now in the Gemäldegalerie in Berlin, dateable to around the mid-1280s, is one of the most formally refined works in Grifo’s catalogue, and its attribution was established independently and simultaneously by Luciano Bellosi and Angelo Tartuferi in 1985 and 1986. The central panel presents the Madonna and Child in a composition closely modeled on that of the dossale by Manfredino da Pistoia in the Acton collection in Florence, a relationship that provides important evidence for the dense network of formal borrowing and creative competition that characterized the Florentine painting milieu of the 1280s. The right shutter of the tabernacle contains a Crucifixion scene in which the expressive vocabulary of Cimabue is deployed with particular intensity, the inclined body of Christ against the cross rendered with a physical weight and emotional gravity that goes beyond mere formal citation to achieve a genuinely moving devotional image. The tabernacle was presumably created for private devotional use, most likely for a wealthy lay patron or a small religious house in or near Florence, and its relatively intimate scale, typical of objects designed for personal prayer in private spaces, contrasts with the public or semi-public contexts for which Grifo’s larger altarpieces were made.

Dossale with Passion Scenes

Dossale with Passion Scenes
Dossale with Passion Scenes, c. 1310, tempera and gold on panel, 67,3 x 179,3 cm, Timken Art Gallery, San Diego.

The dossale preserved in the Timken Art Gallery in San Diego is of particular importance for the understanding of workshop practices in late Duecento Florence, as it was executed in collaboration between Grifo and the Magdalen Master, with Grifo being responsible for the twelve narrative scenes of the Passion and the Magdalen Master contributing the central devotional image. The Passion scenes are arranged in two registers on either side of the central Madonna, presenting events from the Last Supper through the Resurrection in a sequence that reflects the standard iconographic programme of thirteenth-century Italian narrative panels.

In these scenes Grifo’s narrative energy is at its most characteristic: the compositions are densely populated, the figures animated by vigorous gestural expression, and the emotional pitch maintained at a high level of dramatic intensity that reflects his deepest Cimabuesque training. The collaboration itself reveals a professional flexibility that was normal for Florentine painters of the period, who regularly shared commissions, pooled workshop resources, and divided labor according to specialization, and it confirms the documentary evidence suggesting that Grifo and the Magdalen Master maintained a prolonged working relationship across multiple commissions.